Europe

US and EU fail to agree Bosnia high representative

Sarajevo talks stall as Christian Schmidt exit becomes bargaining point, protectorate post depends on foreign unity

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The high representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina has overseen the deeply divided country’s communities ever since the end of the war in 1995. Photograph: Anadolu/Getty Images The high representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina has overseen the deeply divided country’s communities ever since the end of the war in 1995. Photograph: Anadolu/Getty Images theguardian.com

A meeting in Sarajevo meant to agree the next international overseer of Bosnia and Herzegovina ends without a deal, according to The Guardian. The US and European diplomats leave still split over who should replace the current high representative, German politician Christian Schmidt, a post that has sat above Bosnian politics since the 1995 peace settlement.

The position is a relic of a war-ending architecture that never quite became self-sustaining. Bosnia has been run as an international protectorate in key respects for decades, with the high representative empowered to impose decisions when local institutions seize up. That arrangement depends on outside unity: ambassadors from the US, UK, France, Germany, Italy, the EU, Canada, Japan and Turkey sit on the Peace Implementation Council steering board, and the job only works when those capitals pull in roughly the same direction.

They are not doing so now. The Guardian reports the Trump administration pushed for Schmidt to leave immediately, after an earlier compromise in which he would resign but stay on until Bosnian elections in October. European powers, the paper says, refused to accept Washington’s preferred successor, Italian diplomat Antonio Zanardi Landi, whom American officials have campaigned for despite what the Guardian describes as limited Bosnia experience. The steering board said it aims to appoint a new high representative no later than 14 July.

The dispute is not only about personalities. Washington has threatened to cut off funding and participation in Bosnia’s international presence, the Guardian reports, a reminder that the protectorate model is financed and staffed by governments whose priorities can change overnight. European officials in Sarajevo suspect the abrupt US manoeuvring is linked to clearing the way for a large gas pipeline contract, according to the paper—turning a constitutional referee into a bargaining chip in commercial diplomacy.

For Bosnia’s leaders, the incentives are straightforward: when outside patrons fight, local factions can wait them out, appeal to different sponsors, or use the uncertainty to harden positions at home. For Europe, Bosnia becomes a test of whether it can keep a Balkan stabilisation mission coherent when Washington treats the same terrain as leverage. And for the international apparatus itself, the episode exposes how much authority rests on the credibility of foreign envoys who can be removed by foreign capitals.

The steering board’s next deadline is mid-July. Until then, the Guardian reports, Schmidt’s American deputy is expected to take on the role briefly—an interim fix for a job designed to prevent Bosnia from drifting into permanent interim politics.